EU-Mitgliedschaft der Türkei: Transatlantische Vorteile

In seinem in der Herbstausgabe 2004 der 
Turkish Policy Quarterly 

veröffentlichten Artikel vertritt der türkische
Außenminister Abdullah Gül die Auffassung, dass
sich die transatlantischen Beziehungen von den
unheilvollen, aber häufig
überbewerteten, Diskussionen bezüglich der
Zukunft freimachen müssten. Dies sei eine komplexe
Aufgabe. Die Türkei könne hierzu jedoch auf ihre
eigene Weise beitragen. Viele der politischen Themen, die zu
Spannungen geführt hätten,
berührten Regionen, zu denen die Türkei enge
Kontakte pflege. Die politische, wirtschafltiche und
gesellschaftliche Erfahrung, die geopolitische
Perspektive, die Ausrichtung der Außenpolitik und
ihre Stellung innerhalb westlicher wie auch
nicht-westlicher Institutionen seien große Vorteile
für die sowohl die EU als auch die transatlantische
Partnerschaft.  

By Way of Introduction: The State of
Turkey’s EU Accession Process

Much is said and written on
Turkey’s prospects for membership in the
EU as we approach the European Council meeting
in December 2004. We in Turkey have made our
case for membership in all our contacts with
European partners from all political
backgrounds and with the EU bureaucracy which
will play a central role in forming EU’s
considered opinion on opening accession
negotiations with Turkey. The Turkish
Government and Turkish civil society also
continue to explain to the European public the
advantages of its membership for the EU. Most
importantly, however, the progress Turkey has
made in meeting the Copenhagen political
criteria and the distance covered by the
on-going implementation of reforms speak for
themselves. And here lies the strength of the
Turkish case from a legal, moral as well as
political point of view. Having abundantly
shown its determination and capability to hold
its part of the deal, Turkey now expects the EU
to follow suit. Our expectation from the EU is
merely to make an objective appraisal of the
situation and act wisely and fairly. This
should lead to a decision by the political
leaders of the EU in December to start
accession negotiations with Turkey early in
2005. 

Paradoxically; though,
perhaps understandably for some, as
Turkey’s prospects for membership become
more real, the arguments expressed against
Turkish membership, albeit limited in number
and scope, have also been voiced more openly in
the last few years. Some of these have referred
to economics and demographics. This we do not
resent, for neither of these disciplines lend
themselves to gross misrepresentation if
properly analyzed. On both accounts, given
Turkey’s economic potential and dynamism
on the one hand, and the demographic trends in
Turkey and Europe on the other, one can make a
convincing case for a win-win situation for
both parties in the long run. Our more informed
European interlocutors recognize this fact.

Many of the arguments
against Turkish membership also reflect
cultural and social attitudes, varying between
hesitation due to lack knowledge and sheer
anachronistic prejudice. Such arguments are
refuted by good knowledge of history and the
present, coupled by a visionary outlook of the
future. Yet, humility being our defining
cultural trait, we Turks are not at ease when
we have to propagate ourselves. It is therefore
very fitting that the loudest reaction to such
views are most effectively made by Europeans
themselves who know better, whether at the
level of politicians, intellectuals or ordinary
citizens. 

Important as they are, I
shall, nevertheless, not elaborate on the above
arguments. In many respects, we should be past
these discussions. Instead, it would be more
helpful to look ahead and try to make sense of
what Turkish membership will mean for the EU
and West especially in political terms. And in
this context, Turkey’s significance for
the transatlantic partnership deserves greater
emphasis.

The Big Picture

Ironically, at a time when
Turkey is coming ever closer to its historical
objective of full integration with the West
while preserving its uniqueness and its
historical roots, the very notion of the
„West,“ some argue, is being
questioned by the transatlantic differences. We
must neither rush to shelve the Western
Alliance in the annals of world history, nor be
complacent about the challenging way, to say
the least, in which it is changing. In this
respect, I will argue that, with its foreign
and security policy approach, its geopolitical
stance, cross-cultural assets and its on-going
accession process to the EU, Turkey would be
one of the factors contributing to the process
of adapting the Transatlantic relationship to
the new conditions of our era. 

Given the magnitude and
scope of the change experienced since the end
of the Cold War, it is understandable for
transatlantic relations to face tensions which
were avoidable throughout most of its history.
In a way, during the post Cold War period the
Euro-Atlantic solidarity began to feel the
negative side effects of its own victory. With
the demise of the common threat, some began to
question the common purpose and thus the 
raison d’etre

of the Alliance. Yet, though different in
nature, common threats and risks which are
asymmetric and transnational still face the
transatlantic community. 

As importantly, the core of
the community, that is, the common political
ground formed by a sense of shared values
representing liberal democracy in its wider
definition is firmly in place. The new dynamic
affecting this politico-philosophical core is
the challenge to redefine the transatlantic
community’s common purpose in tune with
today’s realities and needs. This is an
on-going process whereby the notion of
collective defense of the Alliance is being
complemented by an understanding of collective
security that carries an increasingly political
orientation. Moreover, this will entail new
cooperative and inclusive approaches towards
neighboring regions and beyond. Both NATO and
the EU must be up to the job. For its part,
Turkey is ready and well placed to contribute
to this process.

The EU and the US can both
contribute to world peace in their own ways and
more so in cooperation. It is with this
understanding that Turkey values the
transatlantic relationship and does not see
rivalry as an option over partnership. It is
not too much to expect from the collective
wisdom existing on both sides of the Atlantic
to jointly create a global force for good with
the right mix of soft and hard power. Such a
force can effectively take on the threat of
international terrorism and proliferation, and
also work to address the causes of terrorism
and encourage peaceful coexistence and
democracy throughout the world. 

As the defunct geopolitical
divides of the Cold-War era are replaced with
renewed dynamism at the regional and global
level, the West and the East have been brought
closer to each other, not by choice
necessarily, but by strategic exigencies. The
continuing eastwardly out-reach, of both NATO
and the EU, has been accompanied by a shift in
geopolitical priorities that puts an added
emphasis on the Mediterranean region and the
Middle East in its wider sense. 

Turkey is increasingly being
recognized as a stabilizing factor in the
regions that it borders. The challenge faced by
all nations in adapting to the changing
international circumstances in the last 15
years was particularly acute for Turkey.
Moreover, Turkey could not enjoy the
„peace dividend“ that the end of the
Cold War signaled especially for Europe.
Nevertheless, Turkey coped well. This was
possible as Turkey coalesced its traditional
foreign policy principles and the requirements
of the day into a practical vision. In this
sense, we believe in conflict resolution
through a problem solving approach. A static
outlook in foreign policy which portrays
one’s interlocutors as the ultimate
adversaries is bound to lose against a dynamic
approach which can, instead, tackle problems in
win-win terms. This latter approach helps
regimes in the neighboring regions feel more
confident to interact with the international
community and to remain within international
law. Turkey’s affinity and historical ties
with the regions surrounding it facilitates
such a process. 

As an advocate and initiator
of regional cooperation, Turkey strives to make
use of interdependence as a confidence building
dynamic, eventually forming common interests
favoring peaceful relations. Turkey is
therefore working to establish a culture of
reconciliation as the basic working ethic among
countries in its region. This is evidenced by
the positive trend that Turkey’s relations
with its neighbors reflect for the last decade
and more so recently. One area where
Turkey’s initiatives are paying off is the
Black Sea region which is drawing increased
attention from the EU and the US. 

Turkey can help Europe
extend its direct contacts over geopolitically
significant regions including the Caucasus,
Middle East and Central Asia. This should not,
of course, be understood in military terms.
Also, Turkey’s contribution to the efforts
of the EU to play a greater role in
Europe’s own security and defense and to
reach a higher power status in a wider
geography through a common policy will also
make a difference. One important added value
here is that, as a country which believes in
the continuing merits of NATO as an
organization transforming itself, Turkey’s
support for the security and defense dimension
of the EU could not be viewed as detrimental to
the Alliance. 

In this context,
Turkey’s close relations with the US,
going back half a century, are important. This
relationship rests on a basis that is strong
and comprehensive enough to withstand specific
differences of opinion that might arise
occasionally. Both parties recognize and
respect the other’s interests. Belief in
democracy and common position on peace and
stability ensure that these interests
converge. 

Turkey can help the
transatlantic community to foster a better
understanding between the Euro-Atlantic
societies on the one hand and Middle Eastern
and Muslim societies on the other. The
geopolitical commotion that we experience on
the north-south and east-west axes around
Turkey does not occur in a cultural vacuum. The
human and social factors are part and parcel of
the flux in international relations.
Consequently, cultural perceptions have become
ever more important, affecting both the study
and the conduct of international relations. All
sides must refrain from attitudes and actions
which could increase the chances of the thesis
of „clash of civilizations“ to become
a self-fulfilling prophecy. 

Socio-economic or cultural
explanations are often cited in the West to
argue for the incompatibility of democracy with
non-Western, for our purpose, Islamic,
societies at large. Such a view fails to give
credit to the case of Turkish democracy. Not
all Muslim societies would be expected to
follow a historically identical path. Turkey is
in many ways unique. However, there is enough
substance in the Turkish experience, first, to
refute theoretical and practical objections
about the possibility of democracy taking root
in a Muslim society, and, second, to form an
inspirational push for those countries who wish
to find their own solutions. 

The deceptive dichotomy that
some have been led to believe to exist between
Islam and the West amounts to reductionism on
the part of those who hold such views on either
side. We in Turkey refuse and refute this
fallacy. The Muslim identity of the Turkish
population has not prevented it from
interacting intensely with the West in general
and Europe in particular, or from becoming an
effective member of European institutions and
organizations. Nor, has it been a hindrance to
Turkey’s transatlantic orientation.
Indeed, the successful conclusion of
Turkey’s accession process to the EU will
represent the harmonization of a predominantly
Muslim society with the peoples of Europe on
the basis of common universal and democratic
values. This will on the one hand facilitate
the better integration of the millions of
Muslims living in Europe within their host
societies, and on the other hand, demonstrate
to the Muslim world that Europe is serious
about overcoming its exclusive reflexes when
parties gather around shared values. 

One of the basic benefits of
this harmonization is the positive effect it
will have towards the espousal of these values
we consider to be universal in nature by the
countries that surround Turkey. In this sense,
the role Turkey’s EU membership can play
in correcting the self-complacent – intended or
not – body language of the West should not be
underestimated. The transatlantic community
stands to benefit from such clarification as
well.

The challenge, of course, is
not exclusively for the West. Turkey continues
to voice its opinion that the Islamic world
needs to address its problems in a realistic
manner and to assume responsibility rather than
blame others. In this connection we place
emphasis on such concepts as democratization,
human rights, the rule of law, good governance,
accountability, transparency and gender
equality. It is heartening to see that the
support for these values and the recognition of
the need to reform are growing throughout this
geography. As an important member of the
Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC),
Turkey has for long expressed the view that the
desired change has to be fed and grown from
within, but that help from outside can be
useful. Outside help, Turkey has argued, needs
to be internationally sponsored and locally
consulted. 

Recently, international
efforts to support reform in the broader Middle
East is being pursued with a partnership
approach that takes the views and needs of the
countries in the region as a central input and
does not discard the difficulty posed by
regional political problems, including the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The G-8
initiative to help the region reform itself
promises to become a good example of an
effective multilateral effort. Turkey, invited
to this initiative as a democratic partner,
will contribute to the process and share its
own experience of home-grown political,
economic and social development and reform
which has benefited much from an interactive
relationship with the West. 

By Way of Conclusion

Turkey is destined to grow
in strength as a vibrant society with vast
human resources enjoying democracy in a secular
state. Turkey will be a reliable power for the
maintenance of security, a partner for economic
development and an ally in overcoming existing
instabilities in its vicinity. It makes its
decisions based on the democratic dynamics of
the country, taking into account the time
proven value of Allied solidarity and the rich
perspective that it has cultivated by being
part of different geographies at the same time,
willing to bring them closer in mutual
understanding and cooperation. By providing the
West with an insider’s input from the
East, and providing the East with an
insider’s input from the West, Turkey is a
unique asset for the EU, the transatlantic
partnership and the regions within which Turkey
has been historically interacting. 

This article was originally
published in the 
Turkish Policy Quarterly

.